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佳文選讀

民國110年10月佳文選讀

文宣心戰處上稿日期:110/09/29

第一週研讀 I Have a Dream

第二週研讀 Gettysburg Address

第三週研讀 Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat

第四週研讀 The Four Freedoms

國防部「奮鬥月刊」110年10月號佳文選讀選篇內容意旨分析表

 


(第一週研讀)

I Have a Dream
金恩博士的演講被喻為「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵,以及聖經的韻律」,而在他所有的演講中,又以《我有一個夢想》最為知名。這篇演講至今仍發揮著極大的影響力,2008 年英國《每日電訊報》評選出20–21世紀最重要的25場政治演說,這篇演講選入其中。

 

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

我很高興今天能和你們站在一起,在我們國家歷史上,這是最偉大的一次爭取自由的運動,我們將寫出我們的歷史。
一百年前,一個偉大的美國人簽署了《解放黑奴宣言》,我們現在就站在這個偉人的雕像前面集會。這個劃時代的法令,是一道明亮的希望之光,照亮了數百萬名黑奴,他們一直深受著不公不義的烈火所煎熬。這是一道充滿喜悅的曙光,驅走了他們慘遭奴役的漫漫長夜。
然而,一百年後,黑人並未真正自由。一百年後的今天,種族隔離的腳鐐和種族歧視的枷鎖,將黑人拘禁在悲慘的生活裡。一百年後的今天,黑人居住在一座貧窮的孤島上,島的四周是一片物質充裕的海洋。一百年後的今天,黑人仍舊受困在美國社會的角落裡,被自己的國家所驅逐。所以,我們今天來到這裡,就要把這種可恥的情況公諸於世。
就某種意義上來說,我們今天來到我們國家的首都,就是來要求兌現承諾。我們這個共和國的締造者們,當他們在《憲法》和《獨立宣言》上寫下了偉大的宣言時,他們就如同簽署了一份每一位美國人民都有權要求兌現的承諾書。這份承諾是給予所有人的,是的,不分黑人還是白人,每一個人的「生存、自由和追求幸福」的「權利」,都是「不可剝奪的」。
很顯然地,就有色公民來說,美國並未兌現這份承諾。政府不但沒有履行神聖的義務,相反地,它向黑人開出的是一張被退回的空頭支票,上面寫著「資金不足」。
然而,我們決不相信「正義銀行」會破產。我們決不相信這個國家庫存滿滿的「機會庫房」,會資金不足。所以,我們來這裡要求兌換支票,要求兌換一張將給予我們寶貴自由和正義保障的支票。

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

我們今天來到這個聖地,也是要提醒美國了解到事態的緊迫。現在不是要求冷靜或採取緩進主義的時候。此時此刻,就是要真正實現民主承諾的時刻。此時此刻,就是要走出種族隔離黑暗荒涼的山谷、迎向種族平等的日光大道的時候。此時此刻,就是將國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來、移到充滿同胞愛的磐石上的時候。此時此刻,就是為所有上帝的子民實現公義的時候。
政府如果忽視這種急迫性,後果將不堪設想。自由與平等的舒爽涼秋如果不到來,黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。1963 年決不是一個終點,而是一個起點。有些人以為,黑人只是想要發洩一下,鬧一鬧就沒事了,但是政府如果依舊我行我素,那他們一定會被驚醒。只要黑人尚未取得公民權利,美國安寧祥和的日子就不會到來。只要正義的光明一天不到來,革命的浪潮就會繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。
有人問這些獻身於公民權運動的人說:「你們要爭取到什麼地步才會滿意?」只要黑人仍遭受警察粗暴不堪的對待,我們就不會滿意;只要我們在外奔波的疲憊身體,不能在公路旁的汽車旅館或是鎮上的飯店中投宿,我們就不會滿意;只要密西西比州還有一個黑人沒有投票權,或是紐約還有一個黑人認為自己的選票無濟於事,那我們就不會滿意。不會,不會,我們不會滿意的,我們始終都不會滿意的,除非「公平如大水滾滾,公義如江河滔滔」。

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification"—one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

朋友們,今天我要跟你們說,我們不應該在絕望的谷底打滾。儘管現在和未來有重重的困難橫在我們眼前,但我仍然懷有一個夢想,這個夢想深植於美國夢之中。
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,這個國家會站起來實踐宣言的真諦:「這個真理是不言而喻的,那就是,人人生而平等。」
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,在喬治亞州的紅土山丘上,昔日的奴隸之子和蓄奴者之子,能夠並肩而坐,親如手足。
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,即使是深受不義與壓迫之火所煎熬的密西西比州,也能夠變成一塊自由與正義的綠洲。
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,在我的四個小孩所住的國家裡,人們是以品性而不是膚色來評斷人。
我今天有這麼一個夢想!
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,在種族歧視最嚴重的阿拉巴馬州,州長目前仍然持異議,拒絕承認聯邦法令──期待有一天,就在阿拉巴馬州裡,黑人與白人的小孩們能夠像兄弟姐妹那樣手牽手。
我今天有這麼一個夢想!
我有一個夢想:期待有一天,每一個山谷都能被填平,每一座山岳丘陵都能被剷平,崎嶇不平的地方能變成平原,曲折的彎路能變成筆直的道路,「上帝的榮耀必然顯現,凡有血氣的,必一同看見。」

這就是我們的願望,我就是帶著這個信念回到南方的。有了這個信念,我們就能夠在絕望的山中挖出希望之石。有了這個信念,我們就可以把國家內部各種不和的聲音,變成一首歌頌手足之情的美麗交響曲。有了這個信念,我們就能夠一起工作,一起祈禱,一起奮鬥,一起入獄,一起共同捍衛自由。我們知道,終有一天,我們會是自由的。

 

本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁14–21。

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(第二週研讀)

Gettysburg Address
《蓋茨堡宣言》是林肯最著名的演說,也是美國歷史上被引用最多的政治性演說。這篇演講雖然簡短,但在現代民主政治中,卻是最具代表性的。演講中所強調的「自由」、「平等」和「民有、民治、民享的政府」,一直是現代民主社會所追求的目標。

 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived1 in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

八十七年前,我們的先人在這片大陸上建立了這個新的國家。這個國家在自由中孕育,奉行人人生而平等的原則。
現在,我們投入這場偉大的內戰,考驗著這個國家、像這樣一個在自由中孕育、奉行上述原則的國家,是否能夠長久生存下去。我們在這場戰爭的偉大戰場上聚集在一起,是為了要在這塊戰場上,為那些為國家捐軀的烈士們覓得一塊安息之地。這是我們義不容辭、應該要做的事。
然而,從更深刻的意義來說,我們無法奉獻──無法神化──無法聖化──這塊土地。那些曾經在這一塊土地上奮鬥的勇者們,不論是生者或逝者,他們已經讓這塊土地變得神聖了,我們微薄的力量遠遠無法再增添什麼,但也無法去玷污它。我們今天在這裡所說的,微不足道,很快就會被遺忘,但人們永遠會記得那些勇者們曾經在這裡做過的奉獻。對我們這些生者來說,我們在這裡要獻身的,是去完成尚未完成的大業,那是勇者們在此奮戰、以崇高精神向前邁進的大業。
我們這些站在這裡的人,應該獻身於眼前尚未完成的事業──我們應該繼承這些光榮先烈的遺志,他們已經完全奉獻出自己,我們應該對此做出更進一步的貢獻。在這裡,我們下了最大的決心,決不讓先烈的鮮血白流。這個國家,蒙上帝之恩,即將破繭成為一個嶄新的自由國家。我們要讓這個民有、民治、民享的政府,永世長存。

 

本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁22–25。

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(第三週研讀)

Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat

英國首相邱吉爾是在第二次世界大戰期間,帶領英國人民取得勝利的民族英雄。此外,他也是著作等身的作家、辯才無礙的演說家。他一生中寫出了43部共72卷的專著,1953年,還得過諾貝爾文學獎。
邱吉爾出身顯赫的貴族家庭,他的祖先是英國歷史上的著名軍事統帥,父親是19世紀末英國的傑出政治家。邱吉爾於1940年至1945年出任英國首相,並於1951年至1955年再度出任英國首相。
第二次世界大戰(1939年9月1日至1945年9月2日)爆發後的數小時,前任首相張伯倫召見邱吉爾,邀請他加入戰時內閣。1940年5月,下院議員對張伯倫政府提出不信任動議,5月8日,張伯倫內閣僅以81票的多數獲得信任案,張伯倫感覺到自己無法繼續執政,因此準備組建聯合政府,並辭去首相職務。
後來經過三大黨派的磋商,張伯倫最後決定請邱吉爾接任首相,於是他向國王喬治六世提出辭呈,並建議由邱吉爾組織聯合內閣。5月10日,國王基於共識而召見邱吉爾,並請他組閣。三天後,邱吉爾首次以首相身分出席下議院會議,發表了《熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水》這篇著名的演說。在演說中,邱吉爾把英國的存亡繫於和納粹作戰的成敗上,是歷史上一篇精彩的戰爭宣言。

 

On Friday evening last I received His Majesty's commission to form a new Administration. It was the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition.
I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Liberal Opposition, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events.
A number of other key positions were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during tomorrow. The appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the Administration will be complete in all respects.
Sir, I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, the 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity
I now invite the House, by the Resolution which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government.

上週五晚上,我奉陛下之命,組織了新政府。國會和國民顯然的共同希望是,新政府應該建立在最廣泛的基礎上,應該容納所有的政黨,包括支持前政府的政黨或各個反對黨。
此一任務的最主要部分,我已經完成。戰時內閣由五人所組成,包括自由派反對黨,這體現了國家的團結。不論是戰時內閣或政府高層的運作,三個政黨的領導人都同意為國效命。陸海空三軍也已經準備就緒。因為目前情勢緊迫,新內閣須於一天之內組成。
昨天我們已經任命了幾個主要的內閣,今晚我還會再向陛下呈報其他的人員名單,希望明天就能完成主要大臣的任命工作。剩下的人員任命需要再多一點的時間,但我相信,在下一次召開國會時,這個部份的事務就會全部完成,新政府將完全成立完畢。
諸位,為了政務著想,我建議今天就召開議會。發言人基於國會決議的授權,同意採取必要的步驟。在今天的議程結束時,會建議休會到5月21日,但如有必要,會提前召開會議。相關事項會及早通知各位議員。此後一週的事務都會在第一時間通知議員。
現在我請求國會作出決議,批准和記錄我所採取的各項步驟,並聲明信任新政府。

Sir, to form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations have to be made here at home.
In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I would say to the House, as I said to those who've joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: victory.
Victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realized; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal.
But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."

諸位,組織這樣一個大規模且複雜的政府,是很重大的一項任務,但不能忘記的是,我們正處在歷史上最大一場戰爭的開戰階段,我們在挪威和荷蘭的許多地點都已經部署完畢,另外也要在地中海部署軍隊,空戰持續在進行,我們還需要在後方國土做很多的備戰工作。
在這個危急的時刻,請大家見諒我今天無法對議院做長篇談話。我希望在這次政府改組中受到影響的友人和同仁,還有前任同僚,對必要儀式的不周之處,都能予以包容。
我向議會表明,一如我向新內閣成員所說過的:「我唯一能奉獻的,只有熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水。」
我們所面臨的,將是一場最嚴峻的考驗。在未來的日子裡,將是曠日經久的奮鬥和磨難。如果你們問,我們所持的政策到底是什麼?我會說:那就是開戰!海戰,陸戰,空戰,用我們所有的能力,和上帝所給予我們的力量,全面開戰!向人類罪惡史上最黑暗、最不堪的殘酷暴政開戰,這就是我們的政策!
如果你們問:我們的目標又在哪裡?那我可以用一個字來回答,那就是:勝利!
我們要不惜一切代價來獲得勝利。不管會遭遇任何的恐怖,不管未來的路會如何的漫長艱辛,我們都要打贏這場戰爭!我們不成功,便成仁,我們一定要認清這一點:不成功,就不會再有大英帝國,大英帝國所代表的一切都將消失殆盡,推動人類歷史不斷前進的驅策力也將蕩然無存。
但我充滿樂觀與希望的肩負起我的職責,我確信,靠著我們大家的努力,我們的理想目標決不可能有機會失敗的。在這個時刻,我要請求你們所有人的支持,我要說:「來吧,讓我們團結一致,一起向前邁進!」

 

本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁56–61。

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(第四週研讀)

The Four Freedoms

相對於第26任總統西奧多・羅斯福(Theodore Roosevelt, 1858–1919),第32任總統富蘭克林・羅斯福又被稱為「小羅斯福」。小羅斯福曾連續出任四屆總統(1933–1945年),是美國歷史上唯一連任超過兩屆的總統。此後根據1951年通過的憲法第22條修正案,總統任期不得超過兩次。
在美國歷史上,羅斯福是公認最偉大的美國總統之一。小羅斯福任內遭遇到了兩件歷史大事:1929–1940年期間的經濟大蕭條危機,和第二次世界大戰。
這篇演說是1941年1月6日的國情咨文,在這次的咨文中,他提出《租借法案》(Lend-Lease Program),目的是讓美國在不捲入世界大戰的情形下,可以把軍事武器和戰爭物資提供給盟國。《租借法案》後來於3月11日簽署通過。同年12月7日,發生珍珠港事變,隔天國會通過對日本的宣戰,羅斯福總統簽署宣戰書,正式加入第二次世界大戰。

 

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.

我曾號召大家作出個人的犧牲,我確信幾乎每一個美國人願意響應。其中一部分的犧牲,是指多繳納一些稅。在我的預算咨文中,我建議能提高稅收來支付更大比例的國防計畫。這項計畫決不會讓任何人從中得到私利,我們會嚴加監督立法,讓納稅辦法務必要與納稅人的能力相稱。如果國會能謹守這些原則,願意為國捐獻的選民會給你們掌聲。
對於我們力求安定的未來,我們期待的世界是建立在人類的基本四大自由之上。
第一是發表言論與表達意見的自由──這是舉世皆然的自由。
第二是擁有個人信仰的自由──這是舉世皆然的自由。
第三是免於匱乏的自由,也就是說,經濟上能互通,以確保每一個國家的人民都能擁有健康和平的生活──這是舉世皆然的自由。
第四是免於恐懼的自由,也就是說,世界各國要全面徹底裁減軍備到一定的程度,使任一國家不具有足以侵犯鄰國的武力──這是舉世皆然的自由。

這並非是在憧憬一個虛無縹渺的千禧年天堂,而是在我們這個時代,我們這一代人就可以實現的一個堅實的世界基礎。

That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb. To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

這個新世界和獨裁暴政用武力征服的所謂「新秩序」,是截然相反的。相對於獨裁暴政的新秩序,我們採取的是一種偉大的理念──道德秩序。一個良好的社會,能夠無畏地面對各種陰謀,像是企圖征服世界或是在海外掀起革命等等的陰謀。
從我們美國開國以來,我們就一直在從事改革,那是一種永久且和平的改革。這個改革穩定而溫和,改革的腳步配合局勢的變化而調整,而不用透過集中營或萬人塚來達成目標。我們所追求的世界秩序,是自由國家能夠彼此通力合作,在友好的文明社會中共同努力。
這個國家已經把命運託付給千百萬的自由人民,把命運交到了他們的手裡頭、心裡頭,並把對自由的信仰,交由上帝來引導。自由,意謂著在任何地方,人權都是至上的。凡是為爭取或保有這種權利而奮鬥的人,我們都予以支持。我們的力量,來自於我們目標的一致。
為了實現此一崇高理想,我們在未達到勝利之前,決不休止。

 

本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁34–39。

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國防部「奮鬥月刊」110年10月號佳文選讀選篇內容意旨分析表
篇目
選篇來源
選篇題目
選篇概要內容
本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁14–21。
金恩博士的演講被喻為「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵,以及聖經的韻律」,而在他所有的演講中,又以《我有一個夢想》最為知名。這篇演講至今仍發揮著極大的影響力,2008 年英國《每日電訊報》評選出20–21世紀最重要的25場政治演說,這篇演講選入其中。
本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁22–25。
《蓋茨堡宣言》是林肯最著名的演說,也是美國歷史上被引用最多的政治性演說。這篇演講雖然簡短,但在現代民主政治中,卻是最具代表性的。演講中所強調的「自由」、「平等」和「民有、民治、民享的政府」,一直是現代民主社會所追求的目標。
本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁56–61。
英國首相邱吉爾是在第二次世界大戰期間,帶領英國人民取得勝利的民族英雄。此外,他也是著作等身的作家、辯才無礙的演說家。他一生中寫出了43部共72卷的專著,1953年,還得過諾貝爾文學獎。
邱吉爾出身顯赫的貴族家庭,他的祖先是英國歷史上的著名軍事統帥,父親是19世紀末英國的傑出政治家。邱吉爾於1940年至1945年出任英國首相,並於1951年至1955年再度出任英國首相。
第二次世界大戰(1939年9月1日至1945年9月2日)爆發後的數小時,前任首相張伯倫召見邱吉爾,邀請他加入戰時內閣。1940年5月,下院議員對張伯倫政府提出不信任動議,5月8日,張伯倫內閣僅以81票的多數獲得信任案,張伯倫感覺到自己無法繼續執政,因此準備組建聯合政府,並辭去首相職務。
後來經過三大黨派的磋商,張伯倫最後決定請邱吉爾接任首相,於是他向國王喬治六世提出辭呈,並建議由邱吉爾組織聯合內閣。5月10日,國王基於共識而召見邱吉爾,並請他組閣。三天後,邱吉爾首次以首相身分出席下議院會議,發表了《熱血、辛勞、眼淚和汗水》這篇著名的演說。在演說中,邱吉爾把英國的存亡繫於和納粹作戰的成敗上,是歷史上一篇精彩的戰爭宣言。
本文節錄自:《聚焦英語演說:56篇偉大演講(新增二版)》,寂天文化事業有限公司出版,民國107年2月,頁34–39。
相對於第26任總統西奧多・羅斯福(Theodore Roosevelt, 1858–1919),第32任總統富蘭克林・羅斯福又被稱為「小羅斯福」。小羅斯福曾連續出任四屆總統(1933–1945年),是美國歷史上唯一連任超過兩屆的總統。此後根據1951年通過的憲法第22條修正案,總統任期不得超過兩次。
在美國歷史上,羅斯福是公認最偉大的美國總統之一。小羅斯福任內遭遇到了兩件歷史大事:1929–1940年期間的經濟大蕭條危機,和第二次世界大戰。
這篇演說是1941年1月6日的國情咨文,在這次的咨文中,他提出《租借法案》(Lend-Lease Program),目的是讓美國在不捲入世界大戰的情形下,可以把軍事武器和戰爭物資提供給盟國。《租借法案》後來於3月11日簽署通過。同年12月7日,發生珍珠港事變,隔天國會通過對日本的宣戰,羅斯福總統簽署宣戰書,正式加入第二次世界大戰。
更新日期:110/12/8  點閱次數:60552
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